drsmooth wrote:jerseyhoya wrote:drsmooth wrote:jerseyhoya wrote:4) What the hell are you arguing?
you should probably lie down
you've been going on & on about undecideds. Various of us have more or less gently suggested, with references, that the evidence for your theory about how undecideds behave is ... inconclusive. You've continued to barrel on, apparently undeterred.
Your own behavior has demonstrated momentum of a sort, which probably says something about something
phdave and Bucky both suggested a major difference between Silver's model and the current polls is undecideds are accounted in Silver's model (i.e. it's a projection of what the actual election outcome will be), while they are obviously not allocated to either candidate in the polling averages. This difference is a possible explanation for why Silver's model is giving a different result. I think the real differences between Silver's model and the polling averages are 1) he seems to build out from state polls in addition to using the national polls, 2) his model includes an economic fundamentals component (which is dwindling as a percentage of the model as the election approaches), 3) the weights and partisan adjustments he applies to certain pollsters. I do not think the idea that Silver is projecting the actual election result compared to the polling averages (now cast and November 6th) holds much merit for explaining the differences because the evidence that does exist (as Nate has written) is challengers tend to do better compared to what they're polling than incumbents do. This evidence is not an iron clad rule, and due to the extremely small sample sizes, it's not conclusive. BUT it's certainly something that would argue against the allocation of more undecideds toward the incumbent rather than the challenger.
Are you following?
{sigh} The hurrier you go, the behinder you get
I'm so confused.
What is your point?