Phan In Phlorida wrote:Did she just advocate socialism in that clip?
LAExile wrote:In the year and a half the 110th Congress has been in session President Bush has vetoed eight bills. Aside from Bush’s first six years when he had a Republican Congress no President has vetoed fewer than eight bills in a Congressional session since Warren Harding 85 years ago. That was a Republican Congress. No President has vetoed less bills when the opposition held control of Congress since Andrew Jackson in 1833. Considering that in the first 40 years of this government the veto had only been used ten times and three Presidents never vetoed a bill it isn’t surprising Jackson didn’t use many vetoes. Grover Cleveland vetoed 414 bills in four years when his party was in the minority. It is unprecedented in the last 175 years to find a President and opposition Congress so in agreement.
Since we know Democrats agree with the President on nothing, as Barack Obama reminds us every day, the only reason I can see for this is the Democrats having no interest in actually changing Bush administration policy. If they did that they might fail to make things better. So they couldn’t run on the idea that the Republicans were ruining America. If they were actually successful Bush might get credit. Either way they might lose at the polls in 2008. When it came to a choice between doing what they said they’d do and getting bigger majorities in 2008, the Democrats chose the latter.
Seven months into the current two-year term, the Senate has held 42 "cloture" votes aimed at shutting off extended debate — filibusters, or sometimes only the threat of one — and moving to up-or-down votes on contested legislation. Under Senate rules that protect a minority's right to debate, these votes require a 60-vote supermajority in the 100-member Senate.
Democrats have trouble mustering 60 votes; they've fallen short 22 times so far this year. That's largely why they haven't been able to deliver on their campaign promises.
By sinking a cloture vote this week, Republicans successfully blocked a Democratic bid to withdraw combat troops from Iraq by April, even though a 52-49 Senate majority voted to end debate.
This year Republicans also have blocked votes on immigration legislation, a no-confidence resolution for Attorney General Alberto Gonzales and major legislation dealing with energy, labor rights and prescription drugs.
Nearly 1 in 6 roll-call votes in the Senate this year have been cloture votes. If this pace of blocking legislation continues, this 110th Congress will be on track to roughly triple the previous record number of cloture votes — 58 each in the two Congresses from 1999-2002, according to the Senate Historical Office.
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., forced an all-night session on the Iraq war this week to draw attention to what Democrats called Republican obstruction.
"The minority party has decided we have to get to 60 votes on almost everything we vote on of substance," said Sen. Claire McCaskill, D-Mo. "That's not the way this place is supposed to work."
Even Sen. Trent Lott, R-Miss., who's served in Congress since 1973, complained that "the Senate is spiraling into the ground to a degree that I have never seen before, and I've been here a long time. All modicum of courtesy is going out the window."
Laexile wrote:That chart shows that the filibuster is a tactic that had its highest usage when the Democrats went into the minority. The Democrats filibustered President Bush's judicial nominees that way, leaving many positions unfilled. The Republicans got angry and wanted to implement the nuclear option. The Democrats cried foul. How dare the Republicans want to end filibusters. At this point the Gang of 14 reached a compromise, angering many Republicans. Mike Dewine and Lincoln Chafee lost party support as a result. It's one of the reasons Republicans dislike McCain.
And now the Republicans are using the filibuster even more than the Democrats. And the Democrats are crying foul. Those that hated the filibuster are now using it and those that used it now hate it.
The filibuster forces the majority party to compromise and work out something that at least has some of what the minority party is looking for. The Democrats seem to have pledged to not do this. Since the Republicans were such pricks for six years, they'll do the same. It wasn't good when the Republicans did it and it certainly isn't when the Democrats do it. If you want to reach a compromise it isn't hard. You can do that or do nothing.
The most disturbing part of this is Harry Reid's stated desire to get 60 Democrats and "make the Republicans irrelevant." I have no problem with the Democrats working on their agenda. I do have a problem with Harry Reid's desire to disenfranchise anyone who doesn't support the Democratic Party and not consider what they have to say. That's not Democracy.
A few months ago, I drew up some goofy pictures to make the point as simply as possible. Since this issue has popped up again, I might as well put them up again. Here's the present system:
Under the present system, younger workers, on the left, pay for the benefits enjoyed by older workers, on the right. In time, the younger workers' benefits will be paid by today's toddlers.
Here's the proposal that John McCain thinks will make Social Security more solvent:
Here, the workers keep their own money, leaving Mr. Scream, who had paid the generation that came before him and been counting on being paid by younger workers in turn, with nothing. (Obviously, you can alter this picture in various ways. For instance, if people divert part, but not all, of their FICA taxes to private accounts, Mr. Scream can say: "Where's that part of my money?")
McCain has promised that Mr. Scream will, in fact, get his money. That money is the hole that private accounts blow in the deficit. If we don't want to leave Mr. Scream with nothing, the money has to come from somewhere, though: from the Social Security Trust Fund, higher taxes, or possibly Santa Claus.
You might wonder: since we, as a nation, have just bought a large insurance company, and are considering buying hundreds of billions of dollars' worth of toxic debt, is this really a good time to take on a project that adds trillions more to our national debt? Maybe not. But I'd be a lot happier if I thought that McCain knew that his Social Security proposal would actually cost money. The fact that he thinks it's a way of making Social Security more solvent is pretty scary.
dajafi wrote:It's pretty good, TV. But I like Sullivan (and Bill Maher, for that matter), so there's that.
TenuredVulture wrote:So, wait, you take a guy from a washed never very good rap group, a blogger who's claim to fame is being both homosexual and a nominal conservative, and some lady who makes money telling rabid lefties what they want to hear.
Why should I waste even 8 minutes of my life watching that?
pacino wrote:No, you do exactly that when you seek for people to justify their votes. Then when they do, you challenge the very idea that they can vote for either horrible man. I just got tired of reading posts where you challenge people to justify their votes. It's ridiculous and you should be ashamed you do it on such a consistent basis. You should be ashamed for your views on 9/11 as well, and that completely invalidates anything you've ever written. You're opinions are a joke to many in this thread, and it frustrates me that some have replied to your posts as though you are a forbearer for Democratic Party thought (laexile). I've said my piece on the matter.
dajafi wrote:Philly the Kid wrote:pacino wrote:you will never be impressed, who cares
what's your problem?
why don't you tell me what Obama or McCain are putting out there right now on the campaign trail that is firing you up?
I think your reference to "Obamania," or however you put it, pretty much invalidates any complaint you might make as to the lack of substance.
pacino's right here. None of us are trying to convince you of anything, because your own views are so unassailably fixed. It would be a waste of time... which, for most of us, is really saying something.
dajafi wrote:The first couple minutes of this represents probably Obama's best anti-McCain argument. (Though I'd still like to see him articulate a positive, as in "I'm gonna do X and Y," big economic message.)
OK, we'll say it if no one else will: Thank heaven for Gramm-Leach-Bliley. If you've been listening to the fulminations from Congress and the campaign trail, you know that we're talking about the 1999 law that dismantled the Depression-era barriers between commercial and investment banking.
Democrats largely supported it at the time, and one of their own, Bill Clinton, signed it. Now they frame it as a Republican bill that helped send the nation on the path to perdition.
In this respect, Gramm-Leach-Bliley has turned out to be smart policy indeed. By repealing the rule against banks owning investment firms, it has led to at least two crucial mergers — JPMorgan Chase absorbing Bear Stearns and Bank of America merging with Merrill Lynch. Morgan Stanley may be the next investment house to find shelter in a well-capitalized commercial bank.
You can spot the theme here: By taking down an outmoded firewall, the law is helping the financial industry cope with a once-in-a-lifetime crisis. Far from being the cause, this instance of deregulation, or whatever you call it, is part of the cure.
[I]t seems all too likely that a “fair price” for mortgage-related assets will still leave much of the financial sector in trouble. And there’s nothing at all in the draft that says what happens next; although I do notice that there’s nothing in the plan requiring Treasury to pay a fair market price. So is the plan to pay premium prices to the most troubled institutions? Or is the hope that restoring liquidity will magically make the problem go away?
Here’s the thing: historically, financial system rescues have involved seizing the troubled institutions and guaranteeing their debts; only after that did the government try to repackage and sell their assets. The feds took over S&Ls first, protecting their depositors, then transferred their bad assets to the RTC. The Swedes took over troubled banks, again protecting their depositors, before transferring their assets to their equivalent institutions.
The Treasury plan, by contrast, looks like an attempt to restore confidence in the financial system — that is, convince creditors of troubled institutions that everything’s OK — simply by buying assets off these institutions. This will only work if the prices Treasury pays are much higher than current market prices; that, in turn, can only be true either if this is mainly a liquidity problem — which seems doubtful — or if Treasury is going to be paying a huge premium, in effect throwing taxpayers’ money at the financial world.
And there’s no quid pro quo here — nothing that gives taxpayers a stake in the upside, nothing that ensures that the money is used to stabilize the system rather than reward the undeserving.